What they call reason of state, by Josep Cuní

Machiavelli is back. It has been resurrected by espionage coinciding with Easter. Because it was the author of ‘The Prince’ who made it clear in another of his treatises that “the country must always be defended with ignominy or with glory and in any way it will be defended & rdquor ;.

The first and modest official explanations about ‘Catalangate’ have been the ones that have put the father of political science back in the spotlight, because that so-called “reason of State & rdquor; it is the one that plans on such an ugly matter, such an intelligent technique and such a sloppy action as the one that has marked the week and raised spirits.

The forced legal silence imposed on those responsible for the intelligence services, the non-existent parliamentary commission for political blockade where all the explanations should be given, recovered by the urgent route, as well as the dependence of the Government on the votes of monitored deputies, they have tied the Pedro Sánchez Executive hand and foot. Coalition that has seemed more concerned about the possible brake on its economic aid decree, saved in the end by… Bildu!, that for a institutional scandal that the veteran socialists have been reminded of the tragic end of their first stage. When corruption and the dirty war against terrorism took away the legacy of Felipe González.

History has wanted the link between both stages to be called Maria Margarita Robles Fernandez (Leon, November 10, 1956).

If then it was because of his work in Interior cleaning the sewers of the State, doing investigate the murders of Laza and Zabala by the GAL and due to the search and arrest warrant for LuIs Roldán, now it is due to his current political responsibility at the head of the CNI, an organization that supposedly spied on more than sixty independentistas. And although her mentality as a magistrate has been progressively modulating her explanations, reducing the list without specifying it and defending the legality of what has been done, she has placed herself in the center of the target due to a logical parliamentary response due to her curriculum but inconvenient for her Government. For this reason, some have asked her for responsibilities, including her resignation, others closer to her look at her with the same suspicion that she produced twenty-five years ago and some third parties continue to hate her as much as some of her victims, as jurists as she is . And it is that, where Margarita Robles has passed, she has left some traces that reveal convictions as strong as they are uncomfortable.

One of her friends considers her a state woman. A staunch defender of legality that can lead her to the apparent contradiction that her opponents recriminate her these days. Jurist, progressive and feminist like the current Minister of Defense, her colleague circulates around the outskirts of the independence movement. Even so, both maintain their relationship forged in intellectual debate, mutual respect for difference and an affection superior to any other fickleness.

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Another example as atypical as that old reason of state that warned that “for the salvation of the country, no consideration should be given to what is just or unjust, to what is pious or cruel, to what is praiseworthy or shameful.”

When their day of glory has arrived, the independentists will also have to decide whether to bury Machiavelli definitively.

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