Not even the rumors about her personal life had embittered Tere Jiménez, the undisputed leader in the race for the governorship of Aguascalientes. The team of the former federal deputy, nominated by the PRI-PAN-PRD alliance, presumed to have twice the intention to vote than her closest rival, the Morenista Nora Ruvalcaba.
This competition only involves women, but that is not a guarantee of fair play, much less of sorority. That is why the complaint filed with the local prosecutor’s office by Nat Rodríguez, flag bearer of Fuerza por México, against Ruvalcaba who, through her daughter, América Fernanda, would have built a luxury home in the community of La Tomatina, was greatly missed.
For the advisers of the Morena candidate, these statements show that the polls that outline a practically defined contest in Aguascalientes are manipulated —the gap is one digit, they insist— and that the arrival of a team of PAN operators originally from Guanajuato and headed by former PAN senator Luis Alberto Villarreal, defined the turmoil of the campaigns.
Whether by foreign agents or mischievous consultants, a characteristic feature of the six current elections is the dirty war… activated by the leaders and without debates the day before?
The campaigns for the governorship of Tamaulipas were marked by the shadow of Sergio Carmona, assassinated at the end of last year. On the eve of the Morenoite internship to define the candidate, evidence appeared of the support that the controversial businessman from Monterrey gave to mayors and legislators of that party, including the party’s national president, Mario Delgado.
Just two weeks ago, information was leaked about the contracts that the current state government, headed by PAN member Francisco Javier García Cabeza de Vaca, signed with the businessman. The morenista standard-bearer for the governorship, Américo Villarreal, summoned a punctual demarcation of the facts, while polls appeared that place him with a comfortable advantage of 25 points and the King of Huachicol was once again the main character of the campaign, with new evidence of the alleged links between Carmona and the son of the leading candidate. The information was placed on an Internet site (www.thedallaschronicle.com) from a medium that did not exist before.
Eye for an eye? The scandal of the so-called Villa Blanca in Aguascalientes broke out on the eve of the debate and after surveys were released that show a 15-point gap between Tere Jiménez and Nora Ruvalcaba. The morenista response tried to be forceful, with references to the alleged diversion of resources from the PAN council towards MD National Illumination.
In charge of the modernization of the public lighting system in the hydro-warm capital, this company registered “irregular movements” to pay suppliers and employees who presume that it was used in a money laundering scheme. The Tax Attorney’s Office would already be aware of these transfers.
In Durango, a dossier allegedly prepared by the Ministry of Security and Civil Protection has circulated on the alleged diversion of Segalmex resources to the Alliance campaign, which is running the PRI Esteban Villegas for the governorship.
According to this version, the former deputy director of administration and finance of that state-owned consortium, René Gavira Segreste, signed contracts with the Dairy Products Marketer of Laguna, a company owned by the Herrera family. In exchange he would have received an apartment in San Antonio, Texas. In any case, the accusations do not directly involve Villegas or Juana Leticia Herrera Ale is the candidate of Va por Durango for mayor of Gómez Palacio, a municipality that Morena won in 2019, with Marina Vitela. The dispute over the lagoon municipalities is key in the only contest with a highly competitive scenario in 2022. In three weeks it will be clear who benefited from the dirty war.
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Journalist and columnist for El Economista, author of Doña Perpetua: Elba Esther Gordillo’s power and opulence. Elba Esther Gordillo against the SEP.