Among his legislative proposals, his ethnographic studies on Zacatecas, his campaign memoirs and his defense of the alternative project of the nation, Ricardo Monreal Ávila accumulates 23 books. The first volume of the most recent one – The great reforms for regime change (Miguel Ángel Porrúa ediciones, 2020) – is a compendium of the reforms approved in the LXIV Upper Legislature that has served to justify the national tour of the leader of the Morenoite majority in the Senate, which will culminate in 2025.
The Monreal bookstore includes a chronicle of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s second attempt to reach the presidency of the Republic (La largo travesía, 2015). The Coalition for the Good of All then became the DIA —the electoral front that involved Convergence for Democracy, the PRD and the PT— and the party leaders agreed with the candidate to install a campaign committee.
The Zacatecan politician would coordinate tasks “at ground level”, while the air campaign would be in charge of César Yáñez Centeno-Cabrera and the fundraising, in Yeidckol Polevnsky Gurwitz.
If in 2006, AMLO lost due to the operation of a bloc of governors and PRI leaders who at the last minute turned for Felipe Calderón, in 2012 he would again reach the final stretch of the contest with a wide advantage, but the errors of his team would jettison what was perhaps his best presidential campaign.
The campaigns were barely formally started when the first shells against AMLO came out, Monreal refers in his book. Honestidad Valiente was the civil association that supported the progressive movement and then the capital government – led by Marcelo Ebrard – was accused of having diverted public resources to the activities of the social leader.
That black campaign did not permeate public opinion. The contest was between AMLO and the PRI Enrique Peña Nieto, but their performance in the first debate and in containing the # YoSoy132 movement raised doubts among decision makers. Before the second debate, came the leak of an audio on the peculiar attempt to obtain six million dollars between constructors, summoned to a dinner in Las Lomas; a tray pass executed by Luis Costa Bonino, Adolfo Hellmund and Luis Mandoki on behalf of the leftist candidate.
Unexpectedly, that coup shook the campaign team and annulled the war room that decided the air campaign, where – according to Monreal’s testimony – then Yañez, Mandoki, Epigmenio Ibarra, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, Pedro Salmerón and Carlos had a fixed seat. Salces. For social networks, a strategy designed by Roberto Trad was implemented. And Costa Bonino would help conquer the switchers.
Then the opinions were divergent. Strong, the kicks under the table. Flashing, friendly fire. Like right now. What is surprising is that, with an old story, Costa Bonino — accustomed to being a campaign manager and not an external advisor — is once again the spokesperson for a sector of lopezobradorismo that seeks to shield itself, on the eve of the changes that the cabinet of the Fourth Transformation would undergo. Two of AMLO’s former travel companions — César Yáñez and Octavio Romero Oropeza — are the targets of new invective and poisonous rumors. And two of the most powerful allies – Ricardo Monreal and Marcelo Ebrard – are involved in fantastic boycotts and alleged disloyalty to the “alternative project.”
Old and recent stories about Infonavit and Petróleos Mexicanos. Regarding 2006 and 2012. Everything, however, has 2024 in its sights. And who will they seek to benefit: Claudia Sheinbaum or Tatiana Clouthier?
Side effects
ENEMIES. Apart from the partisan apparatuses, the National Civic Front arises with the sole intention of promoting a single candidate to confront Morena and his allies in the 2024 presidential elections. Among its promoters are the negotiators of the Pact for Mexico in 2012. With these initiatives The return of Francisco Javier Razo Tangassi to public activities coincides, after a triennium of voluntary retirement. His previous undertaking —Pejeleaks.org— led to a claim for non-pecuniary damage from the former legal adviser to the Presidency, Julio Scherer Ibarra, and from the first lady Beatriz Gutiérrez Müeller. Now, Razo Tasgassi is looking for investors to contribute $ 10 million to Ayan – a mindfulness platform that deploys the methodology developed by “spiritual scientist” Leo Rastogi – but former clients want him to account for the losses he generated in 2018.
ADVERSARIES. Sergio Meade and Maverick Lab won two Reed Latino Awards, presented by C&E magazine in Spanish. It is curious that this publication has recognized a group of young journalists from Monterrey who literally decided to screw up traditional political marketing. But their work for Luis Donaldo Colosio has put them in the spotlight … and also Euzen Consultores, Rafa Valenzuela’s office from Guadalajara.
Journalist
Vital signs
Journalist and columnist for El Economista, author of Doña Perpetua: the power and opulence of Elba Esther Gordillo. Elba Esther Gordillo against the SEP.
Reference-www.eleconomista.com.mx