• The current system only allows voting for those who have previously attended the assemblies, and not all those who have a card

The CUP membership and the apparatus of organizations that surround it once again has the future of Catalan politics in its hands. From his jump to ParliamentIn 2012, the cuperos have conditioned parliamentary life from the pro-independence and left-wing corner, combining the role of support and opposition to the Government.

On Monday, 462 people (of the 509 who participated in the internal debate) spoke out on the budget project that the Government tries to agree with the ‘cupaires’ and they opted for a veto to the initial processing of the accounts, to look for a better offer from the Executiu. The leadership admitted the scant participation, but blamed it for the “disaffection” of the bases with the current Government. How does the CUP make decisions and with what majorities have they managed to condition the Catalan board?

Decisive consultations

The ‘cupaires’ decided to embark on the path to the hemicycle in an extraordinary national assembly held in Molins de Rei with 370 votes in favor, 42 against and 22 abstentions. Once lodged in the Catalan Chamber, they sent the ‘expresident’ Artur Mas to the “dustbin of history” with an incredulous draw at 1,515 in Sabadell and a management meeting that lit up the veto and forced Together for the “yes to propose to Carles Puigdemont.

He also submitted to the Cuban polls when 447 CUP militants decided to get rid of the pact with Junts pel Sí and veto the 2016 accounts but, later, the political council endorsed with 39 votes in favor, 22 against and 2 abstentions at the time. ‘president’, subjected to a question of trust that he overcame in exchange for the promise of the referendum. His successor, Quim Roast, received the approval of the management with 40 votes in favor of facilitating the investiture and 24 against and one abstention.

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The current head of the Government, Pere Aragonès, he also had to try his luck with the CUP and even 1,401 militants they ruled on him, endorsing the pact by 59.31%. However, on this occasion, there was a change of plans. The anti-capitalists participated in the February 14 elections with the candidacy CUP-A New Cycle To Win (CUP-UNCPG) formed by 11 organizations –CUP, Arran, Constituents per la Ruptura, Crida Constituent, Endavant-OSAN, Lluita Internacionalista, Poble Lliure, SEPC, La Forja, Guanyem Catalunya and Pirates-.

The magma of acronyms and the impact of the pandemic, forced a change in the sovereign dynamics of the formation at the inauguration of this legislature. They decided to create two decision spaces: the parliamentary open assemblies (AOP) –which are distributed simultaneously throughout the territory and which meet twice a year and in an extraordinary way if required, as has been the case in the debate on the investiture agreement and on the budgets- and the parliamentary open coordinator (COP) –which is convened monthly and that manages the day-to-day activities of the parliament-.

Unpredictable results

The COP has a representative from each organization that accompanies the CUP (10), a member from each territorial assembly of the CUP (15) and independent members with political experience –elected by the open parliamentary assemblies-. Each organization has one vote except Guanyem who has two after the pact forged for the 14-F elections. Members of the parliamentary group and representatives of the leadership – the national secretariat – participate, but do not have the right to vote.

Decisions that carry a high political impact – for example, investiture debates, budgets or laws – are discussed in open parliamentary assemblies to which all anti-capitalist militancy is called. In the event that voting in the telematic ballot box, only the people who have participated in the debates can speak, not the total membership.

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All this, together with the fact that the majority sector of the CUP is the one that does not have a license either in Endavant or in Poble Lliure (the two most influential organizations with half a thousand members each) since not all the militancy have the right to voting (either because they do not attend the assemblies or because they are not aware of the payment of fees) makes the result usually unpredictable.

The party has not wanted to reveal the total number of militants who today have the right to participate in the decisions of the candidacy, claiming that the count is in charge of each organization, that there are a good part of the ‘couperos’ with double militancy and who do not know in detail the updated details of the payment of fees.


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