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It has taken the Government to confess that Pedro Sánchez was also infected by Pegasus for certain media outlets to suddenly realize that the seriousness of the matter. The revelation of the espionage to the telephone of the president and his Minister of Defense allows the government to pass suspiciously from executioner to victim, and asserting that the infection is “external” paves the way for not having to investigate anyone internally. He also suggests that ‘Catalangate’ suddenly becomes ‘Spaingate’ and thus Pedro Sánchez will be able to call Pere Aragonès and tell him: “You see, they do it to all of us, it’s not ideological espionage but simply espionage”. Sánchez’s last master move has been to avoid tackling the scandal by guillotining a real head and misleading him by elevation, although the smoke screen has a difficult route. The move, however, can become a boomerang, because the political life of Margarita Robles already has little credibility when it becomes clear that she, or the CNI that depends on her, were unable to protect her telephone or that of the Prime Minister.

If Robles is a victim, it is in any case of herself or her incompetence or perhaps, even worse, of the system that she claims to defend. The minister who a few days ago told us that the end justifies the means with the truculent expression “What does a State have to do when someone declares independence?” she is Suddenly a victim of what I denied and it is even possible that by now you have finally found out about the existence of ‘The New Yorker’. Because indeed the brilliant idea of ​​spreading the Pegasus scandal makes it possible to defocus on Catalonia but opens an even more uncertain and dangerous path. Mass espionage, no matter if it is from within or from without, reveals the destructive drives of the Deep State that either by action against the independence movement or by omission against the Prime Minister himself, he is willing to do anything to guarantee his own survival.

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Once again he has been caught red-handed the far-right media, judicial and even police system that resists changing the ‘status quo’ of 1978. It seems no coincidence that Among the list of spies, neither Santiago Abascal nor Feijóo nor the magistrates of the Supreme Court ever appear neither the police chief nor any right-wing journalist. The Pegasus crisis reveals again the clear division between the two Spains of always: the immobilist and the reformer. On one side, Vox, the PP, a part of the PSOE and large media in Madrid; to the other, the independentists, Podemos and a good part of the political periphery. In the middle, gravitating in the middle of nowhere, is Pedro Sánchez and a piece of his government. And in the same way that 1-O ended up having more to do with Spain than with Catalonia, the Pegasus espionage has more to do with the lack of control in which the Deep State has entered than with any national unit.

Interestingly, in the current photo, the independentistas and Podemos are found in close positions. Even if they don’t admit it, and even if they often can’t stand it, Podemos and the central current of sovereignism share a vision: deep Spain is harmful and must be reformed. Pegasus paradoxes: the only ones who can save Spain are those who want to break it, or at least change it.

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