It is debated whether the judges should appoint the judges, as if they did not already do so. Nor is it proposed that citizens appoint judges. Or that citizens replace the judges, since no adult in their right mind would accuse Tezanos of embezzlement, confuse sexual pleasure with the pain of rape, or punish anyone who called Juan Carlos I a thief with years in prison. , the plebs still appoint parliamentarians, his only prerogative before Meritxell Batet also submitted the legislative power to the judiciary, in application of the law of insurmountable fear.
The second threat of the Supreme Court to Batet, issued by a very inferior Marchena in charge of the president of the second power of the State, shows that a bureaucratic writing can also be sexist. It exuded a mocking air and it worked, because the socialist was embodied in Carme Forcadell. It is not a delusion. José Antonio Martín & puncsp; Pallín was a Supreme Court magistrate and preaches the theory of “supervening ineligibility & rdquor ;, a device conceived against Catalan politicians and now applied ferociously to a nobody from Podemos who was passing by.
The Supreme cleans the statue of Juan Carlos I of dirt and reminds the people that these are not his powers. The vote is annulled of those who supported a deputy sentenced to a month and a half in jail, with compensation of 50 euros for the attacked. The undoubted aggravation of the dreadlocks does not just justify the disproportion. Of course, if Jordi Cuixart had lightly injured an agent of the authority, he would have taken 35 years in jail, the pro-independence looks of hatred are quoted in decades in prison. It is not even possible to enter into the expiration of the president of the Court, or that Marchena used paper with official letterhead for the private procedure of getting off the succession race. The legislature disappears from the scene, one by one. Popular sovereignty, that Frenchified perversion, is crushed between the executing and the damaging power.