The Government is anchored in the principle of reality since the arrival of the Republicans to the presidency of the Generalitat
The ‘realpolitik‘ has sneaked into the Palau de la Generalitat displacing the idealism that marked the independence ‘procés’ since 2012 and that chained the hangover of autumn 2017. A tracing of the movements of the three independence parties during these last months allows us to find the symptoms of this script twist.
The idealistic view of conflict between the State and the Generalitat could be summed up in that Catalonia, as a nation that it is, has the right to free exercise of self-determination. Even the most purist of purists assert that it has already been exercised, the October 1, 2017, and what fits is “implement” that mandate. ERC, converted to pragmatism on January 30, 2018, with the non-investiture of Carles Puigdemontreached the conclusion that the only option for the international community to recognize an eventual Catalan independence is that it be achieved by agreed way with the state. And there are no lucubrations about ‘what the international community would do’, but rather the certainty, the fact, that after the 1-O there was not a single recognition. There was, on the Catalan side, a moment of interregnum caused by the fact that it was a party, and not the Government, that took that dialogue forum from the PSOE. A table that own Quim Torraidealistic ‘president’, despised before, during and after going to Moncloa for the first meeting and that now he is on ‘stand by’.
As for the dilemma if agreed or not, the two visions, idealistic and pragmatic, are explained in the previous point. Now, the very concept of a referendum deserves an analysis because pragmatism and idealism they do not collide here within the Catalan sector, but between independence and the State. The Government indicates, data in hand, that the pro-referendum options add up to almost 60% of the vote in Parliament and that, in all the polls, it moves between that 60% and 80%. The idealism here corresponds to the Government and refers, logically, to the ‘construct’ of the National unity, something that cannot be compromised. The ‘alibi’, and the force, is that all legality is built on that almost magical ideal. That is why the independence movement has repeatedly asked the State to adhere to the reality principle, because if you close your eyes very tightly, neither the 45-50% of independence supporters nor the independence movement will disappear.
The ruling of the TSJC that sets a minimum of 25% of teaching hours in Spanish he has done nothing more than lower the idyllic to the earthly. The Government withdrew the Bargalló report, which already in 2018 was committed to making linguistic immersion more flexible and yielded to harsh criticism from pro-independence sectors that understood that plan as a way to finalize the model. With the ruling in firm, already in 2022, the partners in the Government sewed a pact in the Parliament together with the PSC and the ‘comuns’ to do away with percentages and adapt to sociolinguistic reality. The criticisms, the same as four years ago, made the postconvergence ‘freeze’ his signature. The Secretary of Language Policy, the Republican Francesc Xavier Vila, showed his face in the middle of the earthquake and said, openly, that immersion “has been misunderstood” because “teaching is not in Catalan everywhere” and that speaking of the vehicular language leads to confusion, since “the languages we use to learning are more than one”. Aragonès clung to realism: “Catalan cannot be the language of. It cannot be the language of the independentistas, because there are Catalans who are not independentistas”.
The idealism of five years ago forged alliances by fire that can be summed up as Catalonia against Spain. The change of perspective of the Republicans has already produced a change of wind in the Generalitat budgets for 2020, those of the pandemic. Aragonès, then vice president and ‘conseller’ of Economy, brought them forward with the ‘commons‘. The exceptionality of the moment, the pandemic, cast some doubt on whether it was a sign of a fundamental change. The 2022 accounts, already with Aragonès himself as ‘president’, cleared up these doubts. The blocks were broken, logically, by the border, by the ‘comuns’, which is not a pro-independence formation, but which cannot be ascribed to the defense of the unity of Spain either. The next link, and surely the last one that can be expected, was the independence pacts with the PSC. It started togetherin 2019 in the Barcelona Provincial Councilsomething that the idealistic sectors of the post-convergents still regret and, in recent months, has expanded to second-tier agreements, alongside some budgets, such as the renewal of charges of the organisms that depend on the Generalitat and on the linguistic policy.
The court case of Laura Borras puts on the ropes ERC and CUP in Parliament. The ‘Juvillà case’ was a reality check for the president of the Catalan Chamber because, despite her disobedient tone, she ended up embracing realism and complying with the removal of the seat to the coupero. The next episode is theirs, since the regulation establishes that it must be suspended when it comes to trial, but the Republicans and the anti-capitalists avoid placing themselves in the center of the target and being accused of letting Borràs fall. A quick evaluation of costs and benefits pushes them not to be the ones to remove the president and, in any case, that it be a judicial sentence that disables her and then they limit themselves to complying with it. Thus, they are inclined to devise a formula that allows Borràs to be sustained and that, at the same time, can withstand his speech of zero tolerance against corruption. And, by the way, that Junts does not have the electoral campaign done, I defend the ‘pure’ independence movement against the one that puts fellow ranks in the pillory.
Olympic Games and Copa America
The possible Catalan candidacy for the Olympic Games came to the table of the ‘president’ as an idea from 10 years ago, a flight ahead of Jordi Hereu and the PSC, who were rushing to the end of their municipal empire. But the economic and business fabric of the Pyrenees I did not see with bad eyes an impulse of that type. Some areas where ERC can still grow at the expense of Junts. And Aragonès was modulating. to promise a inquiry to leave what to do with the Olympics in the hands of the territory, to take Barcelona out of the equation, to avoid an overwhelming ‘no’ and support the project. And as for the relationship with Spain, the same. Catalonia cannot organize all the tests on its own. As true as it is that, for Spain, and for the IOC itself, Barcelona is a much more winning card than Zaragoza. Pragmatism sealed the deal, despite the highly idealistic Javier Lamban, always pending to catch up with the Catalan neighbor. The option of America Cup Sailing has already arrived with the ‘realpolitik’ established in the Government, so there were no doubts. Nor by Ada Colau Although they are not exactly the 1936 Popular Olympics.
The public media are a recurring battlefield everywhere. But in the five years of the ‘hard’ ‘procès’, things went much further. It was no longer a question of a partisan approach to reality, but of a mental framework, totally opposite between independentistas and the rest. Clash of idealisms, understand impossible, therefore. As the understanding was impossible, the positions of the CCMA were not renewed, thus skipping the turn that it was up to ERC, by virtue of the results of the elections of 21-D of 2017. The feeling, audience data in hand, that TV-3 and Catalunya Ràdio were becoming attached to the mere pro-independence public activated the pragmatic independence supporters. The more so when, after 14-F 2021, there was a almost technical tie between PSC, ERC and Junts that forced the three parties to understand each other and agree on the names chosen to occupy each of the expired positions.