In July 2015, CDC and ERC agreed to participate in the September elections (which they called “plebiscitary & rdquor;) in a coalition with the objective of winning by an absolute majority (then the 50% barrier appeared) and, with the external support of the CUP, declare the independence of Catalonia. The program of Together for the “yes It included that, 18 months later, already sheltered by the new republic, new elections would be held, each one on their own. Those elections would serve as endorsement of the secession and to determine what country model it was wanted for the new state. By then it was very clear that the convergent model was very different from the republican one. And the anti-capitalist of the CUP, different from both. Despite being so clear to all, the independence front has managed, and manages, the day to day of the Generalitat six years later.
The meager victory of 27-S left the three parties mired in the web of mutual understanding, not only for independence, but also for management of the “meanwhile & rdquor;. While the horizon of secession seemed close, the artifice that supposes that a party of the center-right, one of the center-left and an anti-capitalist agree on education, health, economy and environment, endured.
After the last elections, both the Junts and the CUP reluctantly accepted the role of the dialogue table with the State. That is to say, that the independence thing would not be for the day after tomorrow. And there began a slow process that culminated last Monday, when the CUP vetoed the Government budgets and Aragonés had to personally agree on them with the ‘comuns’. The return to the ideological field was sanctioned over that of the secessionist objective.
The battle for hegemony
Are the blocks broken? Yes and no. 52% remains for the issues of the ‘procés’, another thing is that they have not yet agreed on the roadmap after the turbulent autumn of 2017. But as for ordinary management, the anti-capitalists have returned to their natural habitat in its relationship with two parties that defend the market economy and demand a radical transformation with internalisations of strategic sectors of which the Government is suspicious.
The relationship between ERC and Junts is another story. They form the Government and they understand that letting anyone enter the Palau de la Generalitat who put ‘buts’ in search of the docks that can promote independence would be the end of everything. For now So what they do is the search for hegemony. To impose himself on the other and hope that the loser will lend him the votes so as not to incur a ‘crime’ of against independence.
The intervention of Joan Canadell in the plenary session of budgets, as spokesman for the minority party in the Government is a clear example. He called his partners ‘autonomists’, added that the CUP was right and furiously attacked the ‘comuns’ who, in the end, supported the accounts drawn up by Jaume Giró, Canadell co-religionist.
After this plenary session, everything is in ‘stand by’ waiting for the three parties to be ordered in space. To begin with, the ERC-CUP investiture pact is now a dead letter, and its fulfillment will obey, in any case, Esquerra’s will not to break the deck. Their claim is to comply with the pact, but “whenever possible & rdquor ;, a way of saying that the demand has ceased and, deep down, they have freer hands. As Aragonès himself has them, he will decide at any time whether or not to submit to the question of trust agreed with the CUP for 2023.
Meanwhile, the couperos accelerate their pressure strategy, so that their room in the ‘forceful opposition’ allows them to continue to be decisive in the independence front and not be displaced now by the ‘commons’ as ERC’s preferred partner in the rest of the daily efforts . And there, they will find the support of Junts, their main rival, at the same time, at the forefront of the country model, as evidenced by the closed defense of the Hard Rock, the Prat Airport and the Circuit de Catalunya, something that was commissioned to remind you of the general secretary, Jordi Sànchez.
The days after the accounts were processed, the anti-capitalists charged against the macro-projects, brought the acquitted ‘nine de Lleoners’ to Parliament and traveled to Scotland in order to coordinate secessionist strategies. If the Government wants to sit down with the CUP again to negotiate the final approval of the accounts, it must begin to chart a path towards independence, even if it is lukewarm and vague as the offer to create a working group was for the ‘cupaires’ about another “democratic onslaught.” There is margin until December 23.