Chronic. “When the sea recedes, it must not be sadness and desolation …” On January 13, during a government seminar, Emmanuel Macron spoke about the post-crisis period and the related political risks. If the president, who has urged his ministers to continue the reforms, is in a hurry to turn the page on Covid-19, to project himself into the presidential deadline, the vagueness still surrounds the home stretch of his five-year term. The Head of State has still not arbitrated, in fact, on the reforms he wishes to put on the parliamentary agenda, while the useful time at his disposal is limited. Alongside the two “separatism” and “climate” bills, examined in Parliament before the summer, several texts remain pending, including the thorny pension reform, about which very few believe it can be saved. .
Asked to clarify the agenda for the next few months, Mr. Macron – who was responding by videoconference to questions from fifteen majority elected officials, Friday, February 19 – was cautious. He reiterated that the bogged down decentralization law (“4D”) would be well examined by the Council of Ministers in March. But he did not advance on the very costly dependency law – a 10 billion reform promised in 2018 -, drawing attention to the damage caused by the health and intergenerational crisis, while many sacrifices were asked of young people. to protect seniors. Same uncertainty about proportionality: the president lets the debate thrive in Parliament, without getting involved for the moment. Ultimately, “He gave few prospects” for the rest, summarizes a participant, because “Before the post-crisis, there is always the crisis”.
This is all the difficulty for the executive. Still under the curfew, the country is far from being out of the epidemic, which continues to have multiple implications in the daily lives of the French and to monopolize the attention. At the same time, the third national lockdown has been – at this point – avoided, and everyone, including at the top of the state, longs to move on. A “Gray area”, theorized in these terms by the Elyos strategists, in which no subject really prints, and which conditions any form of projection.
In this context, Emmanuel Macron – led, in the light of the crisis, to profoundly renew the software that brought him to power, far from his promises of 2017 – finds himself facing a double challenge: both to invent a balance sheet – it can no longer rely on its first economic results, particularly on the unemployment front, swept away by the crisis – and, beyond that, chart the course for 2022. Here again, uncertainty remains: what an offensive to lead when politics will resume its rights and on what themes, when health has logically risen to the top of the concerns of the French?
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