The prospect of a vote certainly lit a fire under the ass of the Trudeau administration. Maybe we should have one every three months.


“This pandemic is not over,” said Justin Trudeau, who said in May that “Nobody wants an election before the end of this pandemic”, he told reporters Sunday outside Rideau Hall. So today he was calling elections. It only hurts if you try to make sense of it.

The liberal leader hopes the electoral system he promised to end in 2015 will work its distorting magic and give him a majority in the House of Commons with a plurality of votes. A vaccine mandate that it was not federal government policy before Friday And it won’t be implemented before Halloween has already turned, he said, to the extent of the seriousness of any party. Meanwhile, your government is ready to protect Afghans whose plight he ignored in 2017; they only need to apply at a Canadian embassy that has closed a few hours before until new notice.

No wonder Trudeau liberals want to keep moving “forward, for everyone.” First, because that sentiment just finished working like a charm for the BC NDP, in those words. And second, because where Trudeau was standing on Sunday he couldn’t feel very comfortable.

Oh good. Governor General Mary Simon, by all evidence, had given Trudeau the only correct answer during a private conversation inside Rideau Hall that lasted 40 minutes and felt longer – in almost every circumstance imaginable and certainly in this one, a first. Minister who wants the Parliament. dissolved it cannot be kept there against its will. The next decision is up to the voters.

They may well decide to give liberals more support than in 2019. Ruling parties in British Columbia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland and Labrador all benefited from the pandemic elections. Erin O’Toole, the Conservative leader, made a decent first outing, although his decision to stick with voluntary vaccination for public employees, and again, I can’t help but repeat that this is the position Trudeau held until last week, it seems a vulnerability. This debate is a moving target, after all; ask Andrea Horwath, Ontario NDP Leader, what I had to back down after declaring as the policy of the PND what it was, when she said it, the actual policy of almost every government in Canada.

There will be plenty of time to kick the tires on all these parties before September 20. At the moment, I am impressed by the astonishing explosion of industry that the second Trudeau administration displayed in what turned out to be its last days. Perhaps the problem with the fixed elections law is not that successive governments of two major parties have ignored it when it suited them. Perhaps the problem is that it rarely interferes with your daily routine. Because the prospect of a vote certainly lit a fire under the incumbent’s rear end.

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On Saturday, normally a quiet day in government circles, the Department of National Defense released on online progress tracker “To update … Canadians on our work and progress in addressing culture and behavior” regarding sexual misconduct in the Armed Forces. To be fair, maybe just Saturday, six years and the change after Deschamps reportDid the progress against sexual misconduct become significant enough to be measured? Also on Saturday, the Minister of Global Affairs announced the date of a new high commissioner in South Africa, two years after the previous high commissioner left Pretoria.

A global refugee crisis that finally had the good sense to coincide with a Canadian federal election campaign for the first time since 2015, Trudeau’s liberals promised on Friday afternoon to host 20,000 Afghans. The previous Friday, the Prime Minister appointed a new Deputy Secretary of the Privy Council and new Deputy Ministers of Justice and Intergovernmental Affairs, as well as a new federal leader to proof of vaccination credentials.

On the same day, August 6, Michael Sabia, the legendary supermandarin Deputy Finance Minister, sent a memorandum to finance officials detailing the appointment of 11 Deputy Deputy Ministers in areas such as economic policy, fiscal policy, federal-provincial relations and sector policy. financial. These changes have been a source of great fascination within the government, but none of them have been announced to the public. They Several high-profile deviations from finances follow. They were created, as Sabia and her right-hand man Nick Leswick put it in the memorandum to their colleagues, to “strengthen our ability to act as a source of new policy thinking around some of the great problems facing the country.” Things like “Canada’s transition to a low-carbon economy; the development of new engines of economic growth; and the future of important programs like employment insurance and the future of our health care system. ”

Finally, in a development that I will discuss in more detail here in the coming days, Harjit Sajjan reached a remarkable agreement with his American counterpart, Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin, on modernizing NORAD, the 62-year-old continental defense of antiquity. system. Trudeau’s liberals have been extraordinarily tight-lipped about this project, which would certainly cost billions of dollars and inevitably force the issue of Canadian involvement in ballistic missile defense. That the government finally does your first substantive statement about your plans late on a Saturday night and on the eve of an election call, he pokes fun at the kind of debate he might have had in Parliament. If we still had a Parliament.

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But I have a feeling that if there were no elections, much of the change I just described would not have occurred. Who can oppose new political thinking on very important issues? I’d even be grateful for solid, old-fashioned policy thinking. Really any thought. And if it took an unannounced internal revolution in finance and a midnight dump of national defense documents, well, you can’t make an omelette without breaking eggs.

I am in favor of more, more eggs, so here I am asking that the fixed election date law be amended so that from now on, the law requires a federal election every three months.

Think of the profit. If the prospect of a hanging concentrates the mind, let’s do more hangings. If the impending September elections forced this administration to appoint a leader with vaccine credentials and post a culture and behavior progress tracker online, a mandatory December election could finally be what is needed for Justin Trudeau to propose a policy for China. The March campaign could start with someone explaining why there is an infrastructure bank. The next June campaign could, at last, feature the symbolic planting of a tree. In one of these fiscal quarters, in a fit of dizzying electoral ambition, someone might even let David Lametti make a decision.

It will not be easy for conservatives to have a new leader sacrificed every 90 days. The debating committee will have to fight the bloat, lest the third English debate in, say, 2023 have more moderators than eligible voters on Prince Edward Island. We will have to fix the bugs in my project as we go along. But the increase in government productivity will pay off.

“At this crucial and transcendent moment, who wouldn’t want to have an opinion?” Justin Trudeau said Sunday. I thought we had something to say in 2019 when we elected a minority government that was up against a variety of opposition parties. I thought we always had something to say. But let’s not be too doctrinaire by rejecting their logic. If we only have “say and vote” when their jobs are at stake, let’s make sure their jobs are constantly at stake. “Who thinks Canadians shouldn’t have a voice?” Trudeau said. Who really?

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