Behind the Finca Rocío

Like his father, Adán Augusto López Hernández studied law and professionally shone, as a notary public, both in Villahermosa, Tabasco. The two were PRI members, although they distanced themselves from Madracism. In the mid-nineties, to better resist any gale derived from his political relationships, the young notary, head of notary 27, partnered with Humberto Medina Pereznieto to jointly vent his offices in the large house of the Jesús García neighborhood, in the capital tabasqueña.

In December 1989, Payambé López Falconi registered in the books of the notary 13 the first Steering Committee of the PRD of Tabasco, which elected political scientist Andrés Manuel López Obrador as its president.

Gonzalo Beltrán Calzada, López Obrador’s father-in-law, was also a lawyer and agreed with Payambé in the litigation. The first had been a Teapa circuit judge and both worked in the Attorney General’s Office; one as deputy attorney and the other as head of the Public Defender’s Office.

López Falconi then became the notary of López Obrador, who also required his services when he tested the documents contained in the boxes that the PRD leader received in 1995 and with which he supported his accusation of fraud against Roberto Madrazo Pintado. When he retired from professional practice, he let his son take charge of these matters.

In January 2003, after a long suffering, Rocío Beltrán Medina passed away. Three months later, in the 11th family court of the Federal District, he began an intestamentary succession trial, after which José Ramón, Andrés Manuel and Gonzalo Alfonso López Beltrán were declared as his only and universal heirs, in addition to being recognized as creditor to 50% of the inheritance to your widower.

In August of that year, José Ramón López Beltrán – in his capacity as executor – attended with the 27 notary of Tabasco, Adán Augusto López Hernández, and presented the inventory of assets inherited by his mother: no cash, no jewelery, no commercial assets , neither livestock, nor furniture, nor relevant documents. The estate consisted of a piece of land, two houses and two apartments.

The award of the Rocío Beltrán inheritance resulted in the delivery of the rustic property and the Teapa house to José Ramón López Beltrán; the Copilco-University departments for Andrés Manuel López Beltrán and the Villahermosa house for Gonzalo Alfonso, who was a minor at the time.

The rustic property, of 16.3 hectares, is located on the margins of the highway that connects Teapa with Tacotalpa. And it is part of a polygon with other land acquired by Gonzalo Beltrán Calzada, who donated it to his daughter in 2000.

Those lands of the Sultana de la Sierra are halfway to the Coconá caves. And they are adjacent to the estates of Carlos Armando Cano Conde, an agro-industrial engineer who owns the Santa Fe Farm, dedicated to the production of bananas.

Finca Rocío is completed by the other two properties. In sum, 48.85 hectares, the same as the polygon originally owned by Judge Beltrán Calzada, who died nine years ago.

The Ministry of Agriculture of the federal government registered the production of 26,860 metric tons of cocoa in Mexico in 2016 and estimated that, by the end of the administration, it would be 29,820 tons. The National Agricultural Planning projected a potential of 38,680 tons for 2024 and 47,540 tons for 2030.

The success of this program depended on the renewal of plantations, in region 6 to which Tabasco is attached, and the establishment of agroforestry systems in the regions that cover Chiapas and Oaxaca. Then, SAGARPA —through Firco and Focir— promoted agroindustrial projects in that region of the country, which included the exploitation of palm oil and sorghum. Sowing Life was just a sketch.

La Finca Rocío —as well as the White House of Peña Nieto— first became known in the pages of the favorite jet-set magazines. It took the mainstream press a year and a half to unravel the nexus of businessman Hugo Chávez Ayala with the López Beltrán brothers and with the Sembrado Vida program, whose evaluation is still pending, three years after it was publicly presented in the Zócalo.

Side effects

PUNISHED? Despite the health contingency and the failures of the National Transparency Platform, the Info-CDMX has received 102,296 requests for information on the obligated subjects. The commissioner president of the autonomous body, Julio César Bonilla, will go to the capital’s Congress to present the budgetary requirements: 166.4 million pesos, but the legislators only contemplate an item of 144 million.

DIRTY. As a result of the investigation that led to the preventive detention of the former capital’s chief of staff, Julio Serna, the investigations against the company N3ERL, owned by Luis and Mauricio Amodio Herrera, were made public, a family that obtained concessions to control the collection of tolls, parking and health workers from the Central de Abastos, for which they have usufruct until 2027. The owners of Grupo CAABSA have also denounced extortion by the capital’s government.

Alberto Aguirre


Vital signs

Journalist and columnist for El Economista, author of Doña Perpetua: the power and opulence of Elba Esther Gordillo. Elba Esther Gordillo against the SEP.

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