Banalization of corruption, by Ernest Folch

It seems like a century ago, but just over five years have passed since Verónica Pérez, spokesperson for Susan Diaz, proclaimed in front of Ferraz that famous self-coup: “The authority is me.” The rest is history: the mutineers lost and today Pedro Sánchez is president of the PSOE and Díaz is just a footnote in Spanish politics. Last Sunday, but this time at the PP headquarters, Ayuso’s agitation culminated in a curious oxymoron: a right-wing conservative mob calling for revolution on Génova Street. The two episodes are very different, because he doesn’t look like the cowardly Pablo Casado be able to survive the brutal campaign of intimidation to which he has been subjected in recent days, but they are also very similar because they have a disturbing common denominator: when the ‘establishment’ decides to regain lost power, it is capable of anything, even perpetrating coups in the middle of the street. because to understand the civil war in the PP, The first thing to do is read the newspapers. A glance at the press in the capital is enough to see that what it is about is hide the essential and show the accessory. We are facing a spectacular makeup operation, which only tries to hide the truth that Pablo Casado stuttered last Friday in the COPE studios: in the midst of a pandemic, when thousands of people died in Spain every day, the president of a community he enriched his brother thanks to a commission for a shell company that had never bought a mask to date. In any other civilized place, this scandal would have ended Ayuso’s political career and would probably have prompted immediate intervention by the Prosecutor’s Office. Here, the information from ‘’ was received last November with due silence and the PSOE deputy who denounced the case before the Assembly of the Community of Madrid was expelled from the chamber for disrespect, as if we were in Belarus. This way you can better understand how the extreme right-wing media has used the alleged espionage of Casado to cover up the less alleged corruption of Ayuso.

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A very simple exercise is enough to know who is who in this crisis: Those who put espionage ahead of corruption, those who speak of conspiracy and hide their brother, are the ones who support Ayuso so that Ayuso supports them. An opinion leader for one of these newspapers confessed not so long ago that “I prefer a corrupt person to power than a communist to power.” That is what the Dantesque show that the PP offers us these days is about: a media fury unleashed against the apparatus of a party. Not so far from that other Dantesque show at the PSOE headquarters five years ago, when in another way and in other circumstances, the same objectives were sought. We have improved on something: In Spain, the congress of deputies is no longer assaulted, but only party headquarters. Tanks are no longer mobilized but only columnists. It’s something. But let no one believe this that it is only an internal battle of the PP, as in its day it was not one of the PSOE either. Something much more transcendent is at stake, as the triumph of national-populism and the trivialization of corruption. For many, Ayuso is the last hope to safeguard their ideology and, above all, their way of life. That is why they no longer hide and they do not care if he has used his position to enrich direct relatives. Difficult times are coming.

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