The way things are now, with great political fragmentation and a polarization between the right and left blocks Of equal size, if the PP wanted to govern in Spain after the next general elections, it would have to do so with Vox. Assuming, of course, that before the foreseeable disappearance of Ciudadanos, the sum of the two parties of the right, the moderate and the extreme, reaches the 176 seats of the absolute majority. And that is well known to moderate Alberto Núñez Feijóo, leader ‘in pectore’ of the PP. For this reason, the still president of Galicia tries to minimize the importance of the government pact between his party and Vox in Castilla y León while, at the same time, he tries to shake off any responsibility in achieving that alliance with the extreme right.
The easiest thing for Feijóo has been blame the PSOE for that agreement that whitens and legitimizes the party of Santiago Abascal, a process of normalization that they need in case one day they have to coalesce to reach Moncloa. It is true that the socialists they could have abstained at the investiture of Fernández Mañueco, but to get to that, the PP and PSOE would have had to sit down to negotiate seriously. Really. Not in the quarter of an hour that the meeting lasted between the candidate to repeat as Castilian-Leonese president and Luis Tudanca, the socialist leader in that community. They should have seen Pedro Sánchez and Pablo Casado or Núñez Feijóo, or all three, to study if they were really willing to make a ‘democratic cordon’ that would prevent Vox from joining the governments. But not only to Valladolid. It was not done.
The socialists are already doing well like this to attack the PP for agree with a party that denies gender violence, It is anti-feminist, anti-European, homophobic, xenophobic and contrary to the State of Autonomies and thus trying to collect votes in the center. But it is that the PP cannot isolate Vox unless he resigns, for the moment, to govern in Spain (and in the autonomies and town halls where it receives external support from the extreme right). The first repercussions of the Valladolid pact will be seen in the autumn in Andalusia.
Feijóo, who wants to keep his image centered, he knows that this pact contaminates him. That is why he hides behind the fact that the agreement was made by Mañueco in the autonomous exercise of his powers, that it had been authorized by Casado, who is still formally the president of the party, and that he does not yet have national responsibilities and he had only been a candidate for the presidency of the PP for a day when it all happened. It is hard to believe that the government pact with Vox was made without the knowledge (consent) of the Galician, but he, in his statements, has distributed blame: to the PSOE, for not abstaining, to Mañueco, for not being able to weave more alternatives, already Married for consenting. Casado, however, told his European colleagues, who understood the agreement as a “give up & rdquor ;, that it would not have been done for him. No one wants to get dirty, but everyone gets stuck.